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globally contrary way” (Hall, 1980, pp. 137-138). Consider for instance, the viewer who “...listens to a debate on the need to limit wages but ‘reads’ every mention of the ‘national interest’ as a ‘class interest’” (p. 138). In a similar light, Mackay (1997) made the claim that “...despite the work of cultural intermediaries in design, advertising and marketing, there is space for creative (albeit circumscribed) consumption, resistance and transformation” (p. 271). Thus, consumers are not passive fools who believe in or embrace every message they are confronted with. Hall (1980) reinforces this with his metaphor of preferred, oppositional, and negotiated meanings. This viewpoint will be applied to the phenomenon of hauling later in the study. Regulation Though the moment of regulation will not be explored in depth for this study, it is worth briefly describing how it is understood in regard to the circuit of culture. The term regulation can mean a wide variety of things when described in a particular context. According to Thompson (1997), regulation is a “dynamic process” and it does not routinely reproduce the status quo (p. 3). He uses the topic of sexuality as an example to explain the moment of regulation. He says that two key reasons for sexuality being a central domain for social regulation in modern society include the fact that the family plays a crucial role in the “...reproduction of society and social order...” and that sexuality is fundamental when establishing one’s identity (p. 5). In their study of Napster, Taylor et al. (2002) explored the moment of regulation and claim that the music-sharing site was put under serious legal regulation (p. 622). They claim that Napster’s regulation was controlled by the “logic of capital.” “One example involved the recording industry’s decision in 1999 to sue Napster itself, and not its individual users” (p. 622). 42PDF Image | EXPLORING HAUL VIDEOS ON YOUTUBE: A COLLECTIVE CASE STUDY APPROACH
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